US, Europe concealed organ trafficking by Kosovo Liberation Army
By Tony Robson
29 December 2010
The Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) has been implicated in war crimes involving torture and the illicit trade in human organs, including those removed from Serb civilians taken captive and killed during and after NATO’s 1999 war against Yugoslavia.
The current prime minister of Kosovo and former KLA commander, Hashim Thaci, is identified as the leading figure within a criminal network involved in drug trafficking as well as the trade in human organs. Thaci and other commanders within the “Drenica group” faction of the KLA exercised command control over detention facilities based in neighbouring Albania and determined the fate of those held captive.
A two-year inquiry conducted by the Council of Europe (CoE), the results of which were published earlier this month by the CoE rapporteur Dick Marty, provides details showing that the human organ trade has continued to the present day, with the KLA running Kosovo as a criminal fiefdom.
The CoE oversees the European Court on Human Rights.
The Medicus clinic in the Kosovan capital, Pristina, is the subject of criminal proceedings over the trade in human organs. It has been closed down by EULEX (the European Union rule of law mission), which took over aspects of law enforcement from UNMIK (the United Nations Mission in Kosovo) in 2008. A number of individuals, including doctors and a former health ministry official, have been charged with being part of an international criminal network. Health law in Kosovo forbids organ transplantation, but the health secretary granted the centre a licence.
The KLA brought people into Kosovo for the purpose of removing and selling their organs, European Union prosecutor Jonathan Ratel said in the indictment. Some victims came from countries such as Moldova, Turkey and Russia. They were promised up to US$20,000 (€14,500), but the organ recipients were required to pay between US$110,000 and US$137,000 (€80,000 to €100,000).
In his report, Marty did not pull his punches with regard to the wealth of information long in the possession of Western intelligence services regarding Thaci’s criminal activities. He cited records from five countries—Germany, Britain, Italy, Greece and the United States—showing that they all knew of the KLA’s activities and helped conceal them.
Point 70 of the report states: “Thaci and these other ‘Drenica Group’ members are consistently named as ‘key players’ in the intelligence reports on Kosovo’s mafia-like structures of organised crime. I have examined these diverse, voluminous reports with consternation and a sense of moral outrage.”
Other sources cited in the report include witness testimony from former KLA soldiers and auxiliaries involved in transporting detainees as well as from some of those held captive.
The CoE inquiry was undertaken to follow up allegations of the KLA’s involvement in human organ trafficking that were first made public in early 2008. These were contained in the memoirs, entitled The Hunt, of Carla Del Ponte, the outgoing chief prosecutor for the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY). She chose to make these revelations only after she was replaced as chief prosecutor and Kosovo’s unilateral declaration of independence was endorsed by the US and other European powers.
Del Ponte’s claims centred on a suspected detention facility in Rripe, near Burrel in central Albania. Referred to as the “Yellow House,” it was identified as a location where Serb civilians abducted from Kosovo were taken and killed and their organs removed for sale abroad.
One of the most damning aspects of Marty’s report is its revelation that the ICTY and UNMIK, which conducted an initial investigation of the “Yellow House” in 2004 and found bloodstains in the main room, later destroyed the physical samples retrieved from the site. The report states, “We must permit ourselves to express astonishment that such a step was taken.”
Large numbers of people listed as missing during and directly after the 1999 Kosovo conflict are still unaccounted for. There remain 1,869 missing persons, according to the International Red Cross. Two thirds of these are Kosovan Albanians. Of this total, 470 disappeared after NATO troops entered the province on June 12, 1999. Of these, 95 are Kosovan Albanians and 375 are non-Albanian, mainly Serbs.
At this time, the KLA, backed by NATO, was able to exercise control over a large amount of territory. The proportion of those who went missing after NATO entered Kosovo may, in fact, be even higher. The law on compensation for “martyrs” excludes those who died after the June 12, 1999, cut-off point.
A major reason for the lack of progress in tracing missing persons has been obstruction by the authorities in Kosovo and Albania. While Serbia has been obliged to cooperate with the ICTY in exhuming suspected sites of mass graves, the same pressure has not been exerted on the governments in Tirana and Pristina.
Albania has continued to refuse to cooperate with the investigations, even though it served as the launch pad for the KLA’s terrorist attacks and was the site of all of its detention centres.
The report describes the claim by the government of Albania that no bodies of deceased persons from the Kosovo conflict have been buried in the country as “manifestly untrue.” It cites records obtained from a local cemetery in Kukes, the site of one of the secret detention facilities, including a five-page document entitled “List of deceased immigrants from Kosovo, 28 March 1999-17 June 1999.”
One of those named is Anton Bisaku, identified as a detainee at the Kukes facility. His killing is cited in an indictment of a KLA operative issued in August of this year. The indictment states that Bisaku was “killed as a result of gunfire directed at him during a session of inhuman treatment, beating and torture which occurred on or about 4 June 1999.”
The report divides the detention facilities operated by the KLA into two categories—war-time and post-conflict. It identifies three detention facilities operational during the conflict between April and June 1999, which also served as military bases. Included is the facility at Kukes.
The inquiry was informed that the Albanian national intelligence apparatus participated in some of the interrogations of prisoners at these facilities. Those detained were abducted at the border by the KLA from the thousands of refugees fleeing the conflict. Detainees were held in makeshift prison cells without food or water.
The Office of Special Prosecutor took statements from 10 individuals between 2009 and 2010 who had been incarcerated and subjected to beatings.
The report explains that after the cessation of the conflict, the KLA operated a separate network of makeshift detention centres, which were used primarily for the gruesome practice of trafficking in human organs. Most of the victims were Serb civilians abducted from southern Kosovo, but they also included Kosovan Albanians. There are no known survivors in this category.
According to testimony from former KLA soldiers and auxiliaries, prisoners were transported in unmarked trucks and vans, which were also used for the trafficking of women for the sex trade. These operations spanned the period between July 1999 and August 2000.
The report states that the Yellow House served as a “way station for those taken captive for organ trafficking.” It continues: “The end point was the detention centre in Fushe–Kruje, a two-storey farmhouse set back from main roads but in close proximity to Tirana Airport, where the organs could be shipped abroad.”
There are substantial “elements of proof” that a small number of captives were killed at the Yellow House, including witness accounts from people who saw the burial, disinterment, movement and reburial of captives’ corpses. Captives were killed by a gunshot to the head before the operation to remove one or more organs took place. The principal trade was in kidneys.
The report offers certain rationalisations for the cover-up by NATO and the United Nations of these crimes, attributing it to a dearth of UN personnel and a misguided attempt to achieve short-term stability. In fact, the report exposes the criminal character of the US-NATO war against Yugoslavia and the utterly cynical nature of the propaganda campaign waged to justify it. The air war was presented as a humanitarian campaign against genocide and rape, with the Serbs cast as the villains and the KLA as freedom fighters defending the Albanian Kosovar population.
The CIA and European intelligence agencies backed the KLA and used it as a cat’s paw to facilitate the plans of the US, using NATO as its military umbrella, to complete the dismemberment of Yugoslavia and undermine Serbia, a long-time ally of Russia.
At the Rambouillet talks directly before the US-NATO declaration of war on Yugoslavia, the KLA leader, Hashim Thaci, was inserted at the head of the Kosovo negotiating team by the US, which had delisted the KLA as a terrorist group in 1998. Through Thaci, Yugoslavia was served a diktat to accept the full and unconditional surrender of its sovereignty to NATO.
Allegations of genocide were ramped up in order to justify the 78-day aerial bombardment by NATO, during which 15,000 bombs and precision guided missiles were rained down on Yugoslavia, killing an estimated 1,200 to 2,000 civilians. This was the context in which the KLA was able to carry out its own atrocities as America’s chosen proxy and ally.
The UN provided the rubber stamp for this act of military aggression and a multinational fig leaf for the establishment of a NATO protectorate. It worked with Washington, Bonn and London to whitewash the crimes of the KLA. The US and the major European powers recognised Kosovo’s unilateral declaration of independence from Serbia in 2008, under the rule of a clique of gangsters, drug pushers and murderers.
The CoE report points to the fact that Washington has been able to carve out a permanent military presence in Kosovo as part of its broader geo-political interests. It states: “The United States of America has an Embassy endowed with impressive resources and a military base, Camp Bondsteel, of a scale and significance that clearly transcends regional consideration.”
By Tony Robson
29 December 2010
The Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) has been implicated in war crimes involving torture and the illicit trade in human organs, including those removed from Serb civilians taken captive and killed during and after NATO’s 1999 war against Yugoslavia.
The current prime minister of Kosovo and former KLA commander, Hashim Thaci, is identified as the leading figure within a criminal network involved in drug trafficking as well as the trade in human organs. Thaci and other commanders within the “Drenica group” faction of the KLA exercised command control over detention facilities based in neighbouring Albania and determined the fate of those held captive.
A two-year inquiry conducted by the Council of Europe (CoE), the results of which were published earlier this month by the CoE rapporteur Dick Marty, provides details showing that the human organ trade has continued to the present day, with the KLA running Kosovo as a criminal fiefdom.
The CoE oversees the European Court on Human Rights.
The Medicus clinic in the Kosovan capital, Pristina, is the subject of criminal proceedings over the trade in human organs. It has been closed down by EULEX (the European Union rule of law mission), which took over aspects of law enforcement from UNMIK (the United Nations Mission in Kosovo) in 2008. A number of individuals, including doctors and a former health ministry official, have been charged with being part of an international criminal network. Health law in Kosovo forbids organ transplantation, but the health secretary granted the centre a licence.
The KLA brought people into Kosovo for the purpose of removing and selling their organs, European Union prosecutor Jonathan Ratel said in the indictment. Some victims came from countries such as Moldova, Turkey and Russia. They were promised up to US$20,000 (€14,500), but the organ recipients were required to pay between US$110,000 and US$137,000 (€80,000 to €100,000).
In his report, Marty did not pull his punches with regard to the wealth of information long in the possession of Western intelligence services regarding Thaci’s criminal activities. He cited records from five countries—Germany, Britain, Italy, Greece and the United States—showing that they all knew of the KLA’s activities and helped conceal them.
Point 70 of the report states: “Thaci and these other ‘Drenica Group’ members are consistently named as ‘key players’ in the intelligence reports on Kosovo’s mafia-like structures of organised crime. I have examined these diverse, voluminous reports with consternation and a sense of moral outrage.”
Other sources cited in the report include witness testimony from former KLA soldiers and auxiliaries involved in transporting detainees as well as from some of those held captive.
The CoE inquiry was undertaken to follow up allegations of the KLA’s involvement in human organ trafficking that were first made public in early 2008. These were contained in the memoirs, entitled The Hunt, of Carla Del Ponte, the outgoing chief prosecutor for the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY). She chose to make these revelations only after she was replaced as chief prosecutor and Kosovo’s unilateral declaration of independence was endorsed by the US and other European powers.
Del Ponte’s claims centred on a suspected detention facility in Rripe, near Burrel in central Albania. Referred to as the “Yellow House,” it was identified as a location where Serb civilians abducted from Kosovo were taken and killed and their organs removed for sale abroad.
One of the most damning aspects of Marty’s report is its revelation that the ICTY and UNMIK, which conducted an initial investigation of the “Yellow House” in 2004 and found bloodstains in the main room, later destroyed the physical samples retrieved from the site. The report states, “We must permit ourselves to express astonishment that such a step was taken.”
Large numbers of people listed as missing during and directly after the 1999 Kosovo conflict are still unaccounted for. There remain 1,869 missing persons, according to the International Red Cross. Two thirds of these are Kosovan Albanians. Of this total, 470 disappeared after NATO troops entered the province on June 12, 1999. Of these, 95 are Kosovan Albanians and 375 are non-Albanian, mainly Serbs.
At this time, the KLA, backed by NATO, was able to exercise control over a large amount of territory. The proportion of those who went missing after NATO entered Kosovo may, in fact, be even higher. The law on compensation for “martyrs” excludes those who died after the June 12, 1999, cut-off point.
A major reason for the lack of progress in tracing missing persons has been obstruction by the authorities in Kosovo and Albania. While Serbia has been obliged to cooperate with the ICTY in exhuming suspected sites of mass graves, the same pressure has not been exerted on the governments in Tirana and Pristina.
Albania has continued to refuse to cooperate with the investigations, even though it served as the launch pad for the KLA’s terrorist attacks and was the site of all of its detention centres.
The report describes the claim by the government of Albania that no bodies of deceased persons from the Kosovo conflict have been buried in the country as “manifestly untrue.” It cites records obtained from a local cemetery in Kukes, the site of one of the secret detention facilities, including a five-page document entitled “List of deceased immigrants from Kosovo, 28 March 1999-17 June 1999.”
One of those named is Anton Bisaku, identified as a detainee at the Kukes facility. His killing is cited in an indictment of a KLA operative issued in August of this year. The indictment states that Bisaku was “killed as a result of gunfire directed at him during a session of inhuman treatment, beating and torture which occurred on or about 4 June 1999.”
The report divides the detention facilities operated by the KLA into two categories—war-time and post-conflict. It identifies three detention facilities operational during the conflict between April and June 1999, which also served as military bases. Included is the facility at Kukes.
The inquiry was informed that the Albanian national intelligence apparatus participated in some of the interrogations of prisoners at these facilities. Those detained were abducted at the border by the KLA from the thousands of refugees fleeing the conflict. Detainees were held in makeshift prison cells without food or water.
The Office of Special Prosecutor took statements from 10 individuals between 2009 and 2010 who had been incarcerated and subjected to beatings.
The report explains that after the cessation of the conflict, the KLA operated a separate network of makeshift detention centres, which were used primarily for the gruesome practice of trafficking in human organs. Most of the victims were Serb civilians abducted from southern Kosovo, but they also included Kosovan Albanians. There are no known survivors in this category.
According to testimony from former KLA soldiers and auxiliaries, prisoners were transported in unmarked trucks and vans, which were also used for the trafficking of women for the sex trade. These operations spanned the period between July 1999 and August 2000.
The report states that the Yellow House served as a “way station for those taken captive for organ trafficking.” It continues: “The end point was the detention centre in Fushe–Kruje, a two-storey farmhouse set back from main roads but in close proximity to Tirana Airport, where the organs could be shipped abroad.”
There are substantial “elements of proof” that a small number of captives were killed at the Yellow House, including witness accounts from people who saw the burial, disinterment, movement and reburial of captives’ corpses. Captives were killed by a gunshot to the head before the operation to remove one or more organs took place. The principal trade was in kidneys.
The report offers certain rationalisations for the cover-up by NATO and the United Nations of these crimes, attributing it to a dearth of UN personnel and a misguided attempt to achieve short-term stability. In fact, the report exposes the criminal character of the US-NATO war against Yugoslavia and the utterly cynical nature of the propaganda campaign waged to justify it. The air war was presented as a humanitarian campaign against genocide and rape, with the Serbs cast as the villains and the KLA as freedom fighters defending the Albanian Kosovar population.
The CIA and European intelligence agencies backed the KLA and used it as a cat’s paw to facilitate the plans of the US, using NATO as its military umbrella, to complete the dismemberment of Yugoslavia and undermine Serbia, a long-time ally of Russia.
At the Rambouillet talks directly before the US-NATO declaration of war on Yugoslavia, the KLA leader, Hashim Thaci, was inserted at the head of the Kosovo negotiating team by the US, which had delisted the KLA as a terrorist group in 1998. Through Thaci, Yugoslavia was served a diktat to accept the full and unconditional surrender of its sovereignty to NATO.
Allegations of genocide were ramped up in order to justify the 78-day aerial bombardment by NATO, during which 15,000 bombs and precision guided missiles were rained down on Yugoslavia, killing an estimated 1,200 to 2,000 civilians. This was the context in which the KLA was able to carry out its own atrocities as America’s chosen proxy and ally.
The UN provided the rubber stamp for this act of military aggression and a multinational fig leaf for the establishment of a NATO protectorate. It worked with Washington, Bonn and London to whitewash the crimes of the KLA. The US and the major European powers recognised Kosovo’s unilateral declaration of independence from Serbia in 2008, under the rule of a clique of gangsters, drug pushers and murderers.
The CoE report points to the fact that Washington has been able to carve out a permanent military presence in Kosovo as part of its broader geo-political interests. It states: “The United States of America has an Embassy endowed with impressive resources and a military base, Camp Bondsteel, of a scale and significance that clearly transcends regional consideration.”
EE.UU., Europa oculta el tráfico de órganos por el Ejército de Liberación de Kosovo
Por Tony Robson
29 de diciembre 2010
El Ejército de Liberación de Kosovo (ELK) se ha implicado en los crímenes de guerra de tortura y el tráfico ilícito de órganos humanos, incluidos los retirados de civiles serbios capturados y asesinados durante y después de 1999 la OTAN de la guerra contra Yugoslavia.
El actual primer ministro de Kosovo y ex comandante del ELK, Hashim Thaci, es identificado como la figura principal dentro de una red de delincuentes involucrados en el tráfico de drogas, así como el comercio de órganos humanos. Thaci y otros comandantes en el "grupo de Drenica" facción de los comandos de control del ELK se ejerce sobre los centros de detención con base en la vecina Albania y determinó el destino de los cautivos.
Una investigación de dos años llevado a cabo por el Consejo de Europa (CoE), cuyos resultados se publicaron a principios de este mes por el Consejo de Europa Dick Marty ponente, proporciona detalles que muestran que el comercio de órganos humanos ha continuado hasta nuestros días, con el correr del ELK Kosovo, tal como un feudo penal.
El Consejo de Europa supervisa el Tribunal Europeo de Derechos Humanos.
La clínica de Medicus en la capital kosovar, Pristina, es objeto de un procedimiento penal sobre el comercio de órganos humanos. Se ha cerrado por la misión EULEX (la Unión Europea regla de la misión de la ley), que se hizo cargo de los aspectos de la aplicación de la ley de la UNMIK (Misión de las Naciones Unidas en Kosovo) en 2008. Un número de individuos, incluidos los médicos y un funcionario del ministerio de salud anterior, han sido acusados de formar parte de una red criminal internacional. Derecho de la Salud en Kosovo prohíbe el trasplante de órganos, pero el secretario de Salud otorgó el centro de una licencia.
El ELK trajo a la gente en Kosovo con el fin de extraer y vender sus órganos, la Unión Europea fiscal Jonathan Ratel, dijo en la acusación. Algunas de las víctimas proceden de países como Moldavia, Turquía y Rusia. Se les prometió a EE.UU. $ 20.000 (€ 14.500), pero los receptores de órganos están obligados a pagar entre EE.UU. y los EE.UU. $ 110.000 $ 137.000 (€ 80.000 a 100.000 €).
En su informe, Marty no tirar sus golpes con respecto a la gran cantidad de información mucho tiempo en la posesión de los servicios de inteligencia occidentales respecto a las actividades criminales de Thaci. Citó los registros de cinco países-Alemania, Gran Bretaña, Italia, Grecia y los Estados Unidos, demostrando que todos sabían de las actividades del ELK y ayudó a ocultar ellos.
El punto 70 del informe dice: "Thaci y los miembros de estos otros Drenica Grupo son consistentemente nombrado como 'actores principales' en los informes de inteligencia sobre las estructuras mafiosas de Kosovo de la delincuencia organizada. He examinado los diversos informes, voluminosos con consternación y un sentido de indignación moral. "
Otras fuentes citadas en el informe incluyen testimonios de ex soldados del ELK y auxiliares que participan en el transporte de detenidos, así como de algunos de los cautivos.
La investigación del Consejo de Europa se llevó a cabo para dar seguimiento a las denuncias de la participación del ELK en el tráfico de órganos humanos que se hizo público a principios de 2008. Estos estaban contenidos en las memorias, titulado La caza , de Carla del Ponte, la fiscal jefe saliente del Tribunal Penal Internacional para la ex Yugoslavia (TPIY). Ella optó por hacer estas revelaciones sólo después de que fue sustituido como fiscal general y la declaración unilateral de independencia de Kosovo fue apoyada por los EE.UU. y otras potencias europeas.
afirma Del Ponte se centró en un centro de detención de sospechosos en Rripe, cerca de Burrel en el centro de Albania. Conocida como la "Casa Amarilla", que fue identificado como un lugar donde los civiles serbios secuestrados en Kosovo fueron tomadas y asesinados y sus órganos extraídos a la venta en el extranjero.
Uno de los aspectos más concluyente del informe de Marty es su revelación de que el TPIY y la UNMIK, que llevó a cabo una investigación inicial de la "Casa Amarilla" en 2004 y que se encuentran manchas de sangre en la habitación principal, más tarde destruyó las muestras físicas encontrado en el sitio. El informe afirma que "Tenemos que permiten expresar el asombro que esta medida se ha tomado."
Un gran número de personas que figuran como desaparecidas durante y justo después del conflicto de Kosovo de 1999 todavía están en paradero desconocido. Aún quedan 1.869 personas desaparecidas, según la Cruz Roja Internacional. Dos tercios de ellos son albaneses de Kosovo. De este total, 470 desaparecieron después de que tropas de la OTAN entraron en la provincia el 12 de junio de 1999. De estos, 95 son albaneses de Kosovo y 375 no son de origen albanés, principalmente serbios.
En este momento, el ELK, apoyado por la OTAN, fue capaz de ejercer el control sobre una gran cantidad de territorio. La proporción de las personas que desaparecieron después de la OTAN entraron en Kosovo, de hecho, ser aún mayor. La ley sobre la indemnización de "mártires" excluye a aquellos que murieron después del punto 12 de junio 1999, de corte.
Una razón importante por la falta de progreso en la búsqueda de personas desaparecidas ha sido la obstrucción de las autoridades de Kosovo y Albania. Mientras que Serbia se ha visto obligada a cooperar con el TPIY en la exhumación sitios sospechosos de fosas comunes, la misma presión no ha sido ejercida sobre los gobiernos en Tirana y Pristina.
Albania ha seguido negándose a cooperar con las investigaciones, a pesar de que sirvió como plataforma de lanzamiento para los ataques terroristas del ELK y fue el sitio de todos sus centros de detención.
El informe describe la reclamación por el gobierno de Albania que no hay cuerpos de personas fallecidas desde el conflicto de Kosovo han sido enterrados en el país por ser "manifiestamente falso." Cita a los registros obtenidos en un cementerio local en Kukes, el sitio de uno de los secretos los centros de detención, entre ellos un documento de cinco páginas titulado "Lista de los inmigrantes fallecidos en Kosovo, 3 28vo, 1999 hasta junio 17, 1999."
Uno de los nombrados es Anton Bisaku, identificado como un detenido en las instalaciones de Kukes. Su muerte ha sido citado en una denuncia de un agente del ELK publicado en agosto de este año. La acusación de que Bisaku fue "asesinado como consecuencia de los disparos dirigidos a él durante una sesión de trato inhumano golpes, y la tortura que tuvo lugar en o cerca de 4 junio de 1999."
El informe divide a los centros de detención operados por el ELK en dos categorías-en tiempo de guerra y post-conflicto. Se identifican tres centros de detención en funcionamiento durante el conflicto entre abril y junio de 1999, que también sirvió como base militar. Se incluye la instalación en Kukes.
La investigación fue informada de que el aparato de inteligencia nacional albanesa participado en algunos de los interrogatorios de los detenidos en estas instalaciones. Los detenidos fueron secuestrados en la frontera por el ELK de los miles de refugiados que huyen del conflicto. Los detenidos fueron recluidos en celdas de prisión provisional sin comida ni agua.
La Oficina del Fiscal Especial tomó declaración a 10 personas entre 2009 y 2010 que habían sido encarcelados y sometidos a palizas.
El informe explica que tras el cese del conflicto, el ELK operaba una red independiente de centros de detención provisionales, que fueron utilizados principalmente para la práctica horrible del tráfico de órganos humanos. La mayoría de las víctimas eran civiles serbios secuestrados en el sur de Kosovo, pero también se incluyen los albaneses de Kosovo. No se conocen los supervivientes de esta categoría.
De acuerdo con testimonios de ex soldados del ELK y auxiliares, los prisioneros fueron transportados en camiones y furgonetas sin identificación, que también fueron utilizadas para el tráfico de mujeres para el comercio sexual. Estas operaciones abarcó el período comprendido entre julio de 1999 y agosto de 2000.
El informe afirma que la Casa Amarilla fue un Continúa "estación de paso para los capturados por tráfico de órganos.": "El punto final fue el centro de detención en Fushe-Kruje, una casa de dos pisos, un retroceso de las carreteras principales, pero en muy cerca del aeropuerto de Tirana, donde los órganos podrían ser enviados al extranjero. "
Hay sustancial "elementos de prueba" de que un pequeño número de prisioneros fueron asesinados en la Casa Amarilla, incluyendo testimonios de personas que vieron el entierro, exhumación, el movimiento y entierro de cadáveres cautivos. Los cautivos fueron asesinados por un disparo en la cabeza antes de la operación para eliminar uno o más órganos se llevó a cabo. El comercio principal era en los riñones.
El informe ofrece algunas racionalizaciones para el encubrimiento de la OTAN y las Naciones Unidas de estos crímenes, atribuyéndolo a una escasez de personal de la ONU y un equivocado intento de lograr la estabilidad a corto plazo. De hecho, el informe pone de manifiesto el carácter criminal de la guerra de la OTAN contra Yugoslavia y de la naturaleza totalmente cínico de la campaña propagandística emprendida para justificarla. La guerra aérea se presentó como una campaña humanitaria contra el genocidio y la violación, con los serbios de reparto como a los villanos y el ELK como combatientes por la libertad la defensa de la población albanesa de Kosovo.
La CIA y las agencias de inteligencia europeos respaldaron el ELK y lo utilizó como la pata de un gato para facilitar los planes de los EE.UU., utilizando a la OTAN como su paraguas militar, para completar el desmembramiento de Yugoslavia y debilitar Serbia, un aliado de largo plazo de Rusia.
En las conversaciones de Rambouillet directamente ante la declaración de Estados Unidos y la OTAN de la guerra en Yugoslavia, el líder del ELK, Hashim Thaci, fue insertado en la cabeza del equipo negociador de Kosovo por los EE.UU., que había retirado de la lista al KLA como un grupo terrorista en 1998. A través de Thaci, Yugoslavia se sirvió una imposición a aceptar la rendición total e incondicional de su soberanía a la OTAN.
Las acusaciones de genocidio se intensificaron con el fin de justificar el bombardeo aéreo de 78 días por la OTAN, durante la cual 15 mil bombas y misiles guiados de precisión se hizo llover sobre Yugoslavia, matando a un estimado de entre 1.200 y 2.000 civiles. Este fue el contexto en el que el ELK fue capaz de llevar a cabo sus propias atrocidades como proxy seleccionado de Estados Unidos y aliado.
Las Naciones Unidas siempre que el sello de goma para este acto de agresión militar y una hoja de parra multinacionales para el establecimiento de un protectorado de la OTAN. Se trabajó con Washington, Bonn y Londres para encubrir los crímenes del ELK. Los EE.UU. y las principales potencias europeas reconocido la declaración unilateral de independencia de Kosovo de Serbia en 2008, bajo el gobierno de una camarilla de mafiosos, narcotraficantes y asesinos.
El informe del Consejo de Europa sobre el hecho de que Washington ha sido capaz de forjar una presencia militar permanente en Kosovo como parte de su amplio intereses geopolíticos. Dice: "Los Estados Unidos de América tiene una Embajada dotado de recursos impresionante y una base militar, Camp Bondsteel, de una escala y la importancia que claramente trasciende la consideración regional".
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